I am embarking on a Master's Degree thesis exploring the theory and practice of public archaeology using the blacksmith as a case study. The representation of the blacksmith is a touchstone, connecting us to a distant past while remaining familiar. The traditional blacksmith is used as a physical representation connecting the past to the present at museums and living history displays throughout North America and Europe. Public archaeology is, in many ways, applied anthropology leading to new ways of presenting the past in order to make it more engaging and relevant. This project is designed to investigate these various interactions and connections between the public and history and archaeology.
My project will look at the connections between history, archaeology, and folklore in developing and portraying the past at museums. Throughout this project I will be working close with Allaire State Park, NJ and their historic interpretive village. Allaire Village has a long commitment to interpreting their 19th-century industrial site to the public. Recently, I have begun volunteering their as one of their blacksmith's apprentices. It is my expectation to conduct a bloom to produce iron at their facility in the fall of 2012. It will be open to the public, so if anyone out in internet land happens to be around, think about coming out. This is their website if you are interested in their work: http://www.allairevillage.org/
I plan to the blog updated with each stage of research when I can. (During the month of July, I will be in an Iron Age settlement in Denmark and cannot guarantee internet access.) So let us begin Smoke and Fire: An Examination of Public Archaeological Theory and Practice.
What is Living History?
.
When someone mentions living history, many images can come to mind from Civil War reenactments to Renaissance Faires. The
historic display is a set depicting a particular time and place which does not
fit into the modern world. The past is
brought into the present; history becomes a play with which the public can
interact by walking around in it, hearing the past, and touching objects. This allows the public to gain a deeper
understanding of the past through making personal connections. For many people such as Tony Horwitz, the
author of Confederates in the Attic,
the past came alive when he re-enacted, and he gained a new understanding of
the past. “I thought about Mathew Brady’s black-and-white photographs, and the
false impression they conveyed. The War’s actual landscape was lush with color and
beauty” (1998:15). This process of
recreating the past at living history museums provides a setting for the
expectations of the museum and the public to directly engage. As a result, the public gains a more complex
understanding of the past based on layered information.
The image from a postcard purchased in Denmark showing a reenactment of the American Civil War. |
Living history in a museum setting is important because it makes history approachable and open to query. When another person is explaining history, it is much easier for members of the public to express their questions and concerns. Traditional museums remove historical events from their wider context of social interactions in order to make them accessible for interpretation.
Mark
Leone, an anthropologist at the University of Maryland, has demonstrated that “each era actively creates the past through the
perspectives of the present” (1984:2).
In each museum, the public selects an aspect of the past that has been
presented to them and brings their own perspective to it. This will happen whether the museum desires
it or not. Some museums such as Yorktown Victory Center, Virginia, develop one
interpretation that runs the course of the entire museum. If a member of the public comes to a
different conclusion than the museum, then the display will be viewed as
inaccurate. Living history can be a tool
for the museum to encourage the formation of its own interpretation of the past
and in the process it develops a complex multivocal presentation of the past.
According
to Jay Anderson, a researcher in living history, there are four characteristics that distinguish living history
as a valuable research and interpretive tool for presenting the past (1982:305).
The first trait is that the focus of such museums is on folklife, depicting the
everyday experiences of ordinary men, women, and children (Anderson 1982:293). The public is able to imagine themselves
engaging in the roles they see the interpreters portray and thus form personal
connections across time. Between participants and the public it may also
“provide comradeship, travel, a channel for intellectual curiosity, family fun,
camping out, an opportunity to play-act, and finally, money” (Anderson 1982:305). By presenting a social history at museums it
allows certain themes to be explored such as gender roles, ecology and family
structures that are commonly lost at traditional museums (Anderson 1984:52).
These themes allow visitors to mentally remove themselves from the modern world
and when they return to it, they will have gained a deeper understanding of
themselves and the past.
The second trait Anderson emphasizes
is that living history museums tend to rely on regional interpretations (1982:306). Many museums are dedicated to different
occupational practices such as maritime and agricultural pursuits. Others focus on ethnic traditions or time
periods such as the Musée Alsacien, France (the history and culture of Alsace)
or Sagnlandet Lejre, Denmark (the prehistory of Denmark). Living history allows people to identify
culturally meaningful sites that can become heritage sites. A culture does not attempt to preserve and
recreate an element of the past that they do not find meaningful or useful. These
types of museums offer visitors a deeper understanding of life in a specific
time and place that a culture holds as a powerful moment in their foundation
narrative. Kirshenblatt (2004) would
elaborate on this point by saying that by displaying cultural heritage it
allows the past a second life (313). One of the founders of the living history
museum movement, Axel Heikel, explained the “phenomena as a memory machine that
transports visitors mentally and emotionally into the past, where important
lessons can be learned” (Anderson 1984:17).
The
third trait of living history is the potential for a variety of people from
diverse backgrounds to gather around an historical topic or event (Anderson 1982:306). Anderson emphasizes the intersection of
various disciplines at the academic level to achieve a shared goal. Historical archaeologists, cultural
geographers, social historians, folklorists, and art historians work together
toward a common goal (Anderson 1982: 306).
These academic disciplines are able to combine and create a layered
interpretation of history. In addition
to Anderson’s academic stance, it is important to emphasize that living history
museums attract diverse groups of individuals both as participants and
observers. This is particular true of
larger sites such as Colonial Williamsburg that attract people from different
social classes, racial and ethnic backgrounds.
These various groups might have had little interaction beyond the museum
setting. Tony Horwitz recounts in his
book that the reenactors with whom he
engaged came from a wide range of backgrounds such as doctors and waiters and
through living history engaged on a socially equal plane (1998). At the Historic Village of Allaire in
Farmingdale, New Jersey interpreters have an assorted collection of careers:
carpenters, high school and college students, mechanics, engineers,
businessmen, housewives, and chefs.
The
fourth point is a response to what feels like a period of extremely rapid
cultural change during which living history demonstrations may offer a respite
(Anderson 1982:306). It is the ability
to subvert our modern selves in a narrative of the past that attracts many of
the reenactors to historic sites. Living
history, like all fantastic artworks, is a diversion “to take our minds off
reality, to enjoy a moment of calm estrangement or titillation, to appreciate
the extraordinary in the ordinary, to reassess our values and alternatives to
determining social forces” (Zipes 2009:79).
Many blacksmith interpreters state that part of the appeal of interpreting
the trade is that they are able to take part in a trade that was once prevalent
and has now largely disappeared from the landscape. These places and events can evoke
nostalgia. In the public’s mind these
places can illustrate the gap between historic occurrences and the past being viewed
as simpler and/or better than the present. This can be seen in numerous living history
parks such as Colonial Williamsburg, The Historic Village of Allaire, and
Sagnlandet Lejre. These places are
constructed because the public felt a connection to a specific time embodied by
each site. Historic sites allow for
people to explore past lives.
The Historic Village at Allaire
Allaire
State Park in Howell, New Jersey, contains a reconstructed industrial village
which was once dedicated to the production of pig iron and now serves as a
living history museum. The original
forge, possibly actually a blast furnace, and a saw mill were built some time
prior to 1750 and operated under the name Monmouth Furnace or the Williamsburg
Forge (Brown 1958:10). It was advertised
for sale on March 3, 1817, in the Trenton
Federalist, and was bought by William Griffith (Historic Allaire
Village:8). The property was retained by
him until the property was seized for bankruptcy and sold to William Newbold
for $23,000 (Historic Allaire Village:8).
Newbold leased the Monmouth Furnace to Benjamin B. Howell of Philadelphia
in 1822 (Historic Village:8). James
Peter Allaire bought iron from Howell and thus learned about the property. Intrigued by the description of the furnace,
Allaire bought the property on April 27, 1822 for $19,000 (Historic Allaire
Village:9).
The property included the forge, a sawmill, 15 or so buildings including workers’ homes, farmland, and tracks of timber (Brown 1958:24). Allaire bought the property to supply iron for is brass foundry and steam engine works in New York City. Allaire changed the name from Monmouth Furnace to Howell Works, perhaps to differential it from the New York complex, known as the James P. Allaire Works (Brown 1958: 24). From 1822 to 1836, Allaire’s works in New York City produced over 50% of all steam engines and boilers in America (The Historic Village of Allaire 2013).
The property included the forge, a sawmill, 15 or so buildings including workers’ homes, farmland, and tracks of timber (Brown 1958:24). Allaire bought the property to supply iron for is brass foundry and steam engine works in New York City. Allaire changed the name from Monmouth Furnace to Howell Works, perhaps to differential it from the New York complex, known as the James P. Allaire Works (Brown 1958: 24). From 1822 to 1836, Allaire’s works in New York City produced over 50% of all steam engines and boilers in America (The Historic Village of Allaire 2013).
Howell
works is considered a company town. A
company town is a town where the buildings are owned by a company or the
company owner. The workers operate the
buildings, and in the case of housing rent it, but do not own them (Porteous
1970:127). As a company town, Howell
Works employed between 400 and 500 people drawn from the Works and the local
community (The Historic Village of Allaire, 2013). The company provides the entire infrastructure
of the town from homes to stores. Allaire operated and expanded the Howell
Works to become a self-sufficient community including a carpentry shop, stage
coach stop, post office, blacksmith, bakery, gristmill, a school, church,
general store, and various finishing buildings for iron. For a more detailed discussion of company
towns please see: Dinius’s and
Veragara’s Company Towns in the Americas:
Landscape, Power, and Working Class Communities (2011), Green’s The Company Town: The Industrial Edens and
Satanic Mills that Shaped the American Economy (2010) and Porteaus’s The Nature of the Company Town
(1970).
The
height of operation was during the 1830s.
However, often plagued by economic troubles, the Panic 1837 proved
disastrous. In the spring of 1837,
America suffered a great economic down turn that affected industrial centers
through lost markets and dwindled investments (Rousseau 2002:457). The blast furnace was kept in blast for 21
months straight, so when it went out of blast in September 1837 the
productivity of the site dropped for an extended period of time (Historic
Allaire Village:30). Allaire sought
financial help from his brother-in-law, John Haggerty (Brown 1958:30). Together they were able to keep the Howell
Works and James P. Allaire Works in operation.
By 1839, the blast furnace was repaired and returned to blast but
operated on a limited basis before blowing out the last time in 1846 (Historic
Allaire Village:20). By 1849, Howell
Works was bankrupt and no longer an industrial center (Brown 1958:77). The town and works fell into disrepair and
was owned by Hal Allaire, James Allaire’s youngest son by his second wife
(Brown 1958: 84). In 1901, Hal Allaire
sold the property to W.J. Harrison who then sold it to Arthur Brisbane (Brown
1958:84). Beginning in 1923, 200 acres of the property including the village
were leased to the Boy Scouts of America for a camp (Brown 1958:85). During the Depression, it was used by the
Civilian Conservation Corps and during World War II it was used for the
military train the Army Signal Corps (Brown 1958:85). In 1941, 1,200 acres of the property were
donated by the owner at the time, Mrs. Brisbane, in memory of her late husband,
to the State of New Jersey “to be used as an Historic Center and Forest Park
reservation…and for no other purpose” (Brown 1958:85). This property included the Howell Works. Most of the building restoration took place
during the mid to late 1960s when the property was turned into an educational
center and living history museum (Brown 1958:86).
Artistic rendition of the Historic Village of Allaire. The buildings that are pictured are the ones interpreted. |
Today,
there are fourteen buildings that have been restored or rebuilt that are
interpreted for museum visitors: the manager’s house, the foreman’s cottage,
the church, the row house (now the interpretive center), the blacksmith shop,
the bakery, the general store, the building containing the carpentry, tinsmith and
wheelwright shops, the enameling building (the continuing education building),
the coal depot (not reconstructed but interpreted), the carriage house, the big
house (Allaire’s residence), the stable, and the blast furnace (only the
chimney is extant) (Figure 5-1 on following page). These buildings are interpreted throughout
the year from March to December on weekends many of which are themed around
specific holidays or events in Allaire’s life that represent lifeways during
the 1830s. During the height of the
season, Memorial Day to Labor Day, the buildings are open five days a week,
Wednesday through Sunday.
Interpretive Styles in Living History
Living
history can take many forms. One of the
most common forms involves the first-person character interpretations during
which the interpreter speaks in the first-person present tense. It is
considered one of the most celebrated forms of historic performance (Maglessen
2006:292). This is likely true because
it is the hardest to achieve and maintain throughout the public’s questions
over an extended period of time. When an
interpreter does not break character and does not provide answers to questions
out of their interpretive time period, then the public may find this
disconcerting and frustrating because it is unexpected. To avoid the challenges of first-person
presentation, many museums employ third-person interpretation.
Third-person interpretation involves a guide
speaking in the past tense about the things he or she is presenting. The Historic Village of Allaire employs first-person
“ghost interpretation”. The “ghost
state” allows interpreters to answer questions out of the time period they
represent without breaking character. It
assumes that the interpreter lived during the set time period and for some
reason has remained there since. At
times there are still issues when a member of the public inquires about a time
period prior to the interpreter’s character.
This is when an interpreter can answer in third person. Most museums’ interpretations fall somewhere
in between, and many interpreters switch between interpretive types. Living history displays allow the public to directly
engage the past.
Interpretive Styles Among Blacksmiths at Allaire
Like
many other living history museums, Allaire relies heavily on a dedicated group
of volunteers, in addition to a small staff of office workers and costumed
interpreters. Each trade is represented
by a staff member, known as a Guild Master (perhaps a reference to the guild
system of the Middle Ages), who is responsible for day-to-day operations of his
craft and building. The Guild Master
takes part in planning meetings with museum directors. The rest of the interpreters are
volunteers. In the case of the
blacksmith, the shop is manned by local men and women, who outside the museum,
are employed as swordsmiths, mechanics/machinists, woodworker, and jewelers -
people who bring a number of valuable and related skills to the presentation of
the craft. The shop has three volunteers
who serve on a near weekly basis who have between 10 and 45 years of
blacksmithing experience; these men would be considered masters and journeymen
in the traditional craft-skill sense. There are also a number of younger
individuals who are learning and would be considered apprentices.
Among
the blacksmithing community at Allaire there are two types of interpretive
styles. The first are craftsman who come
to the site to work and present the craft.
Mark Morrow, who is a swordsmith and Jonathan Herbst, a mechanic and
technician, are two such craft interpreters.
They are attracted to present crafts at historic sites for personal
reasons. Morrow chose to interpret at
Allaire to work away from his home forge (pers. comm.. 21 February 2013). Herbst selected this historic site as a place
to primarily practice the craft and secondarily to demonstrate to the public
(pers. comm.. 22 February 2013). Their
interpretation at Allaire is grounded in the craft, the history of
blacksmithing and the item they are demonstrating how to make. Their
interpretations are not concerned with historical presentation such as a
preoccupation with authenticity. They do
not engage in role playing or first person characterization because, as they
explain, this draws away from their integrity as a craftsman. By not participating in first person role
playing, the craft interpreters define themselves as a different type of
interpreter who is committed to the presentation and preservation the craft. Craft interpreters bring valuable experience
and insight into their interpretations.
However, the public can respond negatively to this style of
interpretation. One person who responded
to the survey stated that they “were disappointed…[because they] did not feel
welcome or that it was [not] very child friendly”. Interpretations that rely heavily on
technical information not always well received by the general public who prefer
an interpretation as presented by other historical interpreters.
Author working at Allaire. |
The
second group of individuals is interpreters blacksmithing are individuals who
are interested in history and have selected blacksmithing as a way to learn
about the past. Many of the volunteers
in this category tend to be students or educators such as Bryan Maldonado, a
college student. The potential of
learning to blacksmithing attracted them to the site. Historical interpreters begin their accounts
with a broad history of the site and often work back to what they are
making. These interpreters are confined
to a set history that they repeat and explain to each group of visitors.
These two groups of interpretation styles appeal
to different groups of the public. Often
members of the public who have experience in metal working trades visit the
blacksmith shop with technical questions.
They are often curious about the origins of their trade and request if
the blacksmiths can present a particular technique such as welding. Some of the public are attracted to
blacksmithing because they have family members in the past who were in the
trade. At the same time the public
expects to be entertained and informed about the past. This suggests that it is necessary to have a
third type of interpreters who can bridge the gap between the historical and
technical interpretations by code switching.
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